kesInformal Education Among Cambodian Muslim Community

kesInformal Education Among Cambodian Muslim Community

By

Mohammad Alinor bin Abdul Kadir

Associate Researcher, Institute of Mathematical Research,

43400 UPM, Selangor, Malaysia.

Abstract

Based on many papers/books written about Islam in Champa and Cambodia, till now, there are only small amount of it discusses about the Islamic intellectual written heritages, such as Arabic Kufic inscriptions and Arabic/Malay/Cham manuscripts. I am referring traditionally to the discussions about Islamic intellectual written materials by Ravaisse (1922), Lafont et. al. (1977) and Po Dharma (1981). Most of writings later on were based on their initial works, some even easily copying their ideas. That is why, till now, we can’t have a consistent theory about when and how Islam came to Champa, even though this is the most important question to answer. I will try to put all of the facts that should become a potential theories of when/how Islam came to Champa. Also, on the other part of written materials, scholars not yet finished researches on all of the Arabic/Malay/Cham manuscripts which belong to Cham Civilization. In all, these manuscripts amount to total around 1800 titles. So, we only have a small understanding about Islamic knowledge being circulated among Muslim Cham. Example is Akayet Um Marup (2007) which discussed about how (Prince) Um Marup and (King) ITak Ita embraced Islam. For the Malay Muslim Cambodia, till now, there is no discussion about their Islamic intellectual written heritages. So, in this paper, to overcome these problem of Cambodian Islamic intellectual written heritage and initially answer it, I will try to put discussion on manuscripts and/or books, written by Malay scholars as early as 12th Century AH/18th Century AD, circulated among Cambodian Muslim Community. I am also will try to discuss content of these manuscripts/books which related to the idea of knowledge, comparing it also with discussions in Europe at the same time.

1. Introduction

I will start by briefly mentioning about a presentation gave by Kalus (2010), especially on Islamic epigraphies in the Malay World. After the presentation, I asked him about his opinion on two Arabic Kufic inscriptions hyphotetically dated 400-420AH/1022-1042AD, found at Phan Rang, Vietnam. He said that, these two inscriptions are not originally come from Champa, but brought from Tunisia to Vietnam around 1920 by French Army. Ravaisse (1922) later on published this inscriptions. Some one who have some background on when and how Islam came to Champa will take a great interest on what Kalus did said, because his refutation on Revaisse will also abolished one of the earliest theory of when and how Islam came to Champa. This statement also refute all of the writings which uses Revaisse as a background theory. Because of it’s important, I did wrote a brief paper discusses all of the theories related to this matter, and also put some new facts, refers to Mohammad Alinor (2010). In the following, I will discuss back what I said before, and put more new facts.

2. Earliest Theories on When Islam Came to Champa

I will not say that what I said here will be true, it is just statements/facts that later on elaborated to theories. And, some of the new facts that I put on has not been tested yet, even at the empirical level. I will chronologically put statements/facts about when/how Islam came to Champa, and Cambodia also.

2.1. Statement by Azedine Beschaouch, UNESCO

I repeat back what I reported in Mohammad Alinor (2008). Azedine said on 13/12/2007 that his team of archeologists has found at Vietnam an Arabic marble inscription dated 2^nd Century AH/8^th Century AD. Unfortunately, he didn’t mentioned anything else about this important finding. He only said, later on they will publish this inscription. I said “important finding” because this is the earliest fact about anything Islamic found related to Champa.

2.2. Kings With The Name “Po Ovlah/Allah”

While reviewing Maspero (2002), published in Mohammad Alinor (2006), I did primarily put all of 14 dynasties of Champa’s Kings from 192-1471AD. But the editors of Jawhar deleted this information, so I have to refers back to the primary paper. The are stories written in Cham’s literatures stated that some of Champa’s King around 1000-1036AD using name “Po Ovlah/Allah”. They are actually kings from 7^th Dynasty, i.e. (name in Cham // Chinese // Vietnamese (years of reigning)) :

i. Yan Pu-Ku Vijaya (Shri) // Yang Pou Kiu Pi-t’ou-yi Che-li // Duong Pho Cu Bi-tra Xa Lo’i (999-1007AD);

ii. Harivarman III // Che-li Hia-li-pi-ma-ti // ? (?-1010AD)

iii. Parameshvavarman II // Che Mei-pai-mo-tie // ? (?-1018AD)

iv. Vikrantavarman IV // Yang Pou Kou Che-li Pi-lan-yo-kia-pa-mo-tie // ? (?-1030AD);

v. Jaya Sinhavarman II // (Hing Pou Che-li) Cho-sing-hia-fou // Sa-dau (?-1044AD).

I think Revaisse (1922) published those Arabic Kufic inscriptions to support the stories of this 7^th Dynasty of five Champa’s King who embraced Islam. We should inspect further whether really these kings embraced Islam.

2.3. Two Arabic Kufic Inscriptions

If we intent to refute back what Kalus (2010) has said about these inscriptions, we should investigate further and make some connection between what has been said in these inscriptions and Champa’s Kings from 7^th Dynasty.

2.4. Jacob d’Ancona Statement in 1273AD

Jacob d’Ancona (1998), a Jew, reported in his writing on 1273AD, after being sailed from Venice to Peking and in between visited “Zabai which is in Ciamba in the realm of Comari” after 27 Jun 1271AD. Selborne can’t identified Zabai, but equated Ciamba=Champa and Comari=Khmer. Usually, Zabai/Zabaj=Sriwijaya, but this is impossible because he has already reported countries related to Sriwijaya, i.e. Sumantala =Sumatra, Sabam, Sincepura=Singapura, Mait and Bintano. He continue reported by saying that the King of Campa on 1271AD name Ciasinna is a Muslim. By checking back my primary review paper (2010), specifically on 11^th Dynasty of Champa’s King, we will find information as Indravarman V // Che-li Tcha-ya Sin-ho Pa-la Ngo-tie-wa // ? (1265-1285AD). “Ciasinna” exactly mean “Tcha-ya Sin-ho”. This is a very strong evidence because being a Jew, Jacob d’Ancona knows who is Muslim. We should work further to put more proofs to support this statement.

2.5. Malay Cambodia Converted Cham to Islam

As I said earlier in abstract, because there is no written record left, we still can’t put a theory on when and how Islam came to Malay Cambodia. The best explanation are, they are all already Muslim before came to Cambodia, or, they became Islam by conversion by their fellow Malay Muslim from Sumatra, Tanah Melayu, Jawa, etc. And, this should happened as early as 15^th Century AD, the century which Islam spread to the Malay World. When the Chams migrated to Cambodia, starting from 1471AD, after losing war to Vietnam, they mixed with Malay, instead of Khmer, because of cultural and language ties. Malay and Cham are Austronesian Family of Language. In this process, Chams embraced Islam. Both these races later on converted Khmer King Ramadhipati I to Islam with name King Ibrahim in 1643AD. This is the only Khmer King ever embraced to Islam, and reigned till 1658AD. Refers to Mak Phoeun (1995a & 1995b).

2.6. Akayet Um Marup

This is a new fact I put on to this subject of research. All of reference goes back to Akayet Um Marup (2007). This hikayat actually being constructed from 10 manuscripts, i.e. CAM 104(8), CAM 141(1), CAM 152(3), CAM 156, CAM MICROFILM 16(2), CAM MICROFILM 20(2), PA-MBLAP, DANA 1, DANA 2 and CHCPI. There are two versions of stories from these 10 manuscripts, but both telling about the same theme, i.e. the conversion of (prince) Um Marup to Islam by Po Nabi (Nabi Muhammad SAW), Po Ali (Khalifah Ali), Abukhar (Khalifah Abu Bakar), Uman (Khalifah Umar) and Seman (Khalifah Osman). Father of (Prince) Um Marup, (King) Itak Ita became angry because of his conversion to Islam. Series of war broke between (Prince) Um Marup and his father (King) Itak Ita. Po Uluah (Allah SWT) and His army help (Prince) Um Marup and Po Dewata and his army help (King) Itak Ita. (King) Itak Ita managed to kill (Prince) Um Marup at the last battle. But later on, (King) Itak Ita asked many questions to Po Nabi about Islam. After Po Nabi gave some explanations about Islam, (King) Itak Ita embraced to Islam. If this story is based on a true event, we should then could ask, when this event occurred and who are (Prince) Um Marup and (King) Itak Ita? This story, may be, one of many important stories related to the coming of Islam to Campa.

3. Bibliography of Malay Traditional Kitab Circulated Among Muslim Cambodia

Title of this section is misleading, because I can’t answer whether the same bibliography hold also from the very beginning of Malay and Cam conversion to Islam. What we should answer is the question : What are the syllabus being used by many Educational Islamic Institution in Cambodia and Champa, starting from the very beginning of their conversion to Islam? We have to write the History of Muslim Education in Cambodia and Champa to answer this question. And it will take longer time to do, with major difficulties facing anybody who want to do research and write on it. Sources of written documents will we part of it. So, what I am going to do is, to base my search from any research being done related to it, refers to Pisol (2010). By comparing his compilation with Heer (2008), we have the following list of kitab informally circulated among Muslim in Cambodia, may be in ten years back :

i. Abd Allah ibn Abd al-Mubin al-Shafii. Completed 1184AH/1770AD. Tanbih al-Ghafilin. Manuscripts PNM2 (no 124) & PNM10 (6 copies). Printed Cairo : Halabi, n.d.

ii. Abdullah ibn Abd Rahim Fathani. ?. Muhimmah Pada Ilmu Hadith Nabi SAW. 1983-1985 Pulau Pinang : Muthba’ah Persama.

iii. Abd al-Rashid Banjar. ?/?. Kitab Perukunan. Printed Singapore : n.d.

iv. Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani. Completed 1192AH/1778AD. Hidayat al-Salikin fi Suluk Maslak al-Muttaqin. Manuscripts PNM2 (no 13, 184, 190, 240, 248, 312, 326, 464, 497B) & PNM10 (18 copies). Printed Cairo : Halabi; Singapore : 1289/1872, 1290/1873, 1306/1889, 1906; Bombay : 1323/1905; Kuala Lumpur : 1996 (Khazanah Fathaniah).

v. Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani. Completed 1203AH/1788AD. Sayr (Siyar) al-Salikin ila Ibadat Rabb al-Alamin. Manuscripts PNM2 (no 256, 324), PNM10 (7 copies) & PNRI (ML293, ML501, W4a-h). Printed Bulaq : 1309.

vi. Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zayn al-Fatani (Tuan Minal). ?/?. Aqidat al-Najin. ?

vii. Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zayn al-Fatani (Tuan Minal). Completed 1313AH/1895AD. Faridat al-Fara’id fi Ilm al-‘Aqaid. Printed Mecca : 1313.

viii. ?. ?. (Matn) Umm al-Barahin. Manuscripts PNM10 (19 copies) & PNM16 (pp 36-37).

ix. Dawud ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Idris al-Fatani. Completed 1232AH/1816AD. al-Durr al-Thamin fi (Bayan) ‘Aqaid al-Mu’minin. Manuscripts PNM2 (no 64, 153, 202, 209, 226, 253, 490, 569), PNM10 (20 copies) & PNRI (W27, ML224). Printed Cairo : Halabi; Singapore : 1913.

x. Dawud ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Idris al-Fatani. Completed 1257AH/1841AD. Furu al-Masa’il wa- Usul al-Wasa’il. Manuscripts PNM10 (13 copies) & PNRI (W38a-b). Printed Cairo : Halabi, n.d.; Singapore : 1291/1874.

xi. Dawud ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Idris al-Fatani. Completed 1242AH/1826AD. Munyat al-Musalli. Manuscripts PNM2 (no 24, 113, 158, 263A, 294, 304), PNM10 (20 copies) & PNRI (ML379). Printed Cairo : Halabi; Singapore : 1887, 1908; Kuala Lumpur : 1991 (Khazanah Fathaniah).

xii. Muhammad Arshad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Banjari. Completed 1195AH/1780AD. Sabil al-Muhtadin lil-Tafaqquh fi Amr al-Din. Manuscripts PNM10 (8 copies) & PNRI (W2a-c, Br627). Printed Cairo : Halabi, n.d.; Singapore : n.d., 1275/1859, 1289/1872.

xiii. Muhammad ibn Ismail Dawud al-Fatani. Completed 1303AH/1886AD. Matla’ al-Badrayn wa-Majma’ al-Bahrayn. Printed Cairo : Halabi.

xiv. Muhammad ibn Ismail Dawud al-Fatani. Completed 1312AH/1894AD. Wisbah al-Afrah wa-Asbah al-Falah. Printed Cairo : Halabi; Singapore : 1908.

xv. Zayn al-‘Abidin ibn Muhammad al-Fatani (Tuan Minal). Completed 1307AH/1889AD. Kashf al-Litham ‘an Asi’lat al-Anam. Printed Cairo : 1308/1890; Singapore : 1894.

I can not get informations about two kitab, i.e. Riyadhus Salihin and Berzanji. To make thing better, some one should do some hard research to complete the list which ideally covers from 15^th century AD till now, i.e. kitab which circulated informally, or should be formally before the establishment of European Modern Education, among Muslim Cambodia and Campa. The next two section will initially going on this direction of research, i.e. discussion on some parts of the kitab.

4. Reconstructing Cham-Patani Dialogues

As I mentioned earlier, by reading back all of the written records related to Muslim Community in Cambodia and Champa, we will have a hope that we could reconstruct ideally their educational institutions, if they got any. Example are three fatwa which documented by a Patani scholar (Syeikh) Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zayn al-Fathani (1999) on 1325AH/1908AD which answered there questions put to him by three of his students from Cam Community in Cambodia. These are fatwa numbered 4, 45 and 66. I can’t get informations about the 45^th and 66^th fatwa. So, in 4^th fatwa, question put by Tuan Hj Muhammad Shalih (Qadhi Kemboja), Tang Ka Hu Sulaiman and Tuan Hj Abdul Hamid, from Kampung Cerang Cam Rih, Daerah Mesjid Loung, Cambodia on 1321AH/1903AD related to the correct terminologies use in Malay, Cam and Khmer to translate Arabic word “Qidam”. The Malay words are “Sedia/Lama/Sudah”. The Cam words are “Kelouk/Tahataha/Beluh”. And the Khmer words are “Cahcah/Serij”. This question possibly come from their reading of earlier kitab written by (Syeikh) Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zayn al-Fathani (1990) on 1313AH/1895AD. To have a more detail reconstruction, we should get and investigate more written records.

5. The Problem of Knowledge in The Malay World

Here, I will put discussion which a bit touch things philosophically. My intention is to upgrade our ordinary discussions on anything Malay which usually related to the process of accumulating historical/sociological facts. I select this title because I could gather materials from two most important kitab written by Malay Minangkabau scholar (Syeikh) Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani at the end of 18^th Century AD, and those two kitab are circulated among Muslim intelellectuals in Cambodia and Champa, may be from 19^th Century AD. Also, I could easily compare our own discussions on the problem of knowledge with other traditions, such as primarily European/Western, at the same era. Historically, if we go back as early as the formation of Malay Civilization, i.e. around 2^nd Century AD, with the formation of Funan, Champa, Sriwijaya and Jawa, we will found that their theory of knowledge follows the theory of knowledge from Hindu and Buddha traditions. In brief, refers to Dravid (2001), knowledge is defined as the relation of thought to reality. There are four types of relations which give them the concept of knowledge :

i. Entities which are different from particulars, but having a being of their own and in some way related to the particulars;

ii. Common features of particulars having no being apart from them;

iii. Concepts in the human mind only, without reality;

iv. Words, which in many time uses for different particulars.

The terminology uses to describe these formulas are “samanya” or “jati”. Both words are familiar to Malay, i.e. “samanya” means “two things are the same” and “jati” means “truth”. I can not find these two words in hundred of inscriptions either in Malay or Cham. The best word that represent this concept, I think, for both language, is “tuv/thuv/tau/tahu” which mean “know”. We can found this word of “tau” being carved in Sriwijaya inscription dated 7^th Century AS/7^th Century AD and the word “tuv” in Cham inscription dated 10^th Century AS/11^th Century AD (AS=After Saka, 1 Saka=78 AD). My question is, is the word “tau/tuv” have a different meaning than the word means “samanya/jati”? Can we have a philosophical meanings of the word “tau/tuv”?

When Malay and Cham peoples embraced Islam, surely their concept of knowledge follows the Islamic concept of knowledge. This can be proof by giving example of Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani (2002 & 2003) which originally written on 1192AH/ 1778AD and 1203AH/1788AD which are based on most of al-Ghazali writings. After doing some reading on both kitab, especially its chapters on knowledge, I found out that its discussions are more broad, i.e. covers concept of knowledge in Fekah, Kalam, Falsafah and Tasawuf. But, the definition of knowledge in each particular field are not precise. We have to look on a more detail works on al-Ghazali, such as Mustafa Abu-Sway (1996) and Mohd Zaidi Ismail (2002). Philosophically in Islam, knowledge is the identification between knower and things known, but the meaning of “identification” is not taking as literal. This concept of knowledge further investigated systematically by Mulla Sadra, as explain by Fazlur Rahman (2000) in Section III : Chapters II, III and IV. And, linguistically, Arabic word “’ilm” did survive in Malay as “ilmu” and Cham as “ilimo”. And “tahu” become type of “ilmu” as in “ilmu pengetahuan”.

What happen in Europe at the same time as Malay and Cham studying al-Ghazali’s concept of knowledge? My further investigation to European Archieves managed to gathered the following written books :

i. Algazel. 1506/1536. Logica et Philosophia Algazelis Arabi.

ii. Averroes. 1552. Opera. Die Wichtigsten Logischen Scriften.

iii. Avicenna. 1495/1508. Avicenna Peripatetic Philosophi ac Medicorum Facili Primi Opera in Lucem Redacta.

iv. ———–. 1658. La Logique du fils de Sina, Communement Appele Avicenna.

The first European scholar fully influenced by Islamic concept of knowledge was Descartes (1997) in 17^th Century AD. This later on continue by Locke (1993), Hume (1988) and Kant (1974) in 18^th Century AD. But, the most systematic explanation on the concept of knowledge in Modern Europe is given by Hegel (1929, 1959 & 1975), refers also to his commentators Harris (1983) and Hyppolite (1997). Hegel’s concept of knowledge is similar to Islam as he also define knowledge as the identification of knower and things known. And, Hegel too discussed the distinction between essence and existence, as presented by Hyppolite, similar to the discussion put by Mulla Sadra two century earlier. Can our concepts of “tau/tahu” and “ilmu/ilimo” be comparable to these Modern Europen concept of knowledge?

6. Conclusion

Two things that I want to put forward as an assignments. First, can we have the answer, in ten years time, of when and how Islam came to Cambodia and Champa? Second, can we publish all written documents related to Cham Civilization, in twenty years time? Finally, many thanks to IIIT(Malaysia) for this workshop.

Reference

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———————————————-. 2003. Sayr (Siyar) al-Salikin ila Ibadat Rabb al-Alamin. Jilid 1. Singapura : Pustaka Nasional PTE LTD.

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———————————————–. 1999. Al-Fatawal Fathaniyah. Jilid 1. Kuala Lumpur : Khazanah Fathaniyah.

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